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European AI talent flees to America as regulatory divide widens

European founders build American AI giants while Brussels regulates. The brain drain reflects deeper cultural fractures over risk, privacy and the role of the state that predate artificial intelligence by decades.

By , Technology Editor

Published

7 min read

A two-minute advertisement for an AI assistant called Poke.com tells a familiar story: an American student arrives in Paris, navigates the city with his digital companion, falls in love with a French woman, and decides to stay. The irony is that the company behind the ad, Interaction, was founded by Germans who left Europe for California. Their trajectory, European talent building American AI companies, has become the defining pattern of the continent's relationship with artificial intelligence.

The numbers behind the exodus

The data is stark. According to venture firm Accel, 80 percent of generative AI investment across the United States, Europe and Israel in 2023 and 2024 flowed to American firms. Stanford University's 2025 Artificial Intelligence Index reports that the United States produced 40 notable AI models in 2024, China 15, and Europe just three. Eleven percent of all US technology companies now have European founders, and hundreds of promising European startups, many in AI, have relocated across the Atlantic.

"Wherever you are in the world, Europe or Asia or wherever, everyone just wants to come to the Bay Area, as long as you're in AI," says Marvin von Hagen, a German who co-founded Interaction in California. His compatriot Florian Juengermann, co-founder of Listen Labs, puts it more bluntly: "People that want to be part of this AI revolution come here. I'm a little bit sad, actually, for Germany."

Capital follows talent, but culture shapes both

The reasons are partly structural. Silicon Valley offers density: more AI companies, more venture funds, and investors willing to back unproven products. Between 2013 and 2022, EU-headquartered firms received $1.4 trillion less venture funding than their US counterparts. But founders and investors repeatedly point to a cultural factor that is harder to quantify: a European suspicion of technology that manifests as regulation before the technology matures.

"The first thing that many people in Europe think about when they think about technology is 'They will spy on us,' or 'This technology will be used in a negative way,'" Juengermann says. He cites a telling example: Germans guard their phone numbers the way Americans guard Social Security numbers. This wariness is not abstract. Anu Bradford, a professor at Columbia University who studies the EU's digital regulatory state, traces it to the 20th century. "You need to think about historical reasons and the Second World War, and how the Nazis got the information to identify the Jews, they were infringing on their right to privacy," she says. "You think about the surveillance by the Stasi in East Germany. Europeans know what it's like when you don't have privacy … they're hypersensitive to that for cultural reasons."

Two regulatory philosophies diverge

That historical memory produced the General Data Protection Regulation in 2018, a privacy framework with no US equivalent. It also produced the Artificial Intelligence Act, which entered force on 1 August 2024. The Act classifies AI applications by risk, from minimal to unacceptable, and demands transparency from most providers. Its philosophy is harm reduction. Across the Atlantic, the Trump administration's July 2025 AI Action Plan pledged to "remove red tape and onerous regulation" of AI development. Dean Ball, the plan's primary author, argues the EU has "preserved the status quo in amber," applying a 20th-century mindset to 21st-century problems.

Robert Windesheim, a German-born investor at Peter Thiel's Founders Fund in San Francisco, sees the same history through a different lens. "Europe's 20th-century catastrophes left a lasting, and rightfully cautionary, mindset. Downside protection and safety became paramount," he says. In his view, Europeans have codified a different risk assessment into law. Michael Jackson, an American investor based in Paris, is less charitable: "There's a lot of hubris, a lot of arrogance, and Europe really has this mindset that they need to be the world's regulator, but they do it before the technology is actually developed."

The single market that isn't single enough

Bradford rejects the idea that regulation alone explains Europe's AI deficit. "It's a very easy narrative to say, 'Well, because they regulate so much, there's no innovation.' That's not why Europeans are not leading in AI innovation," she says. She points instead to the fragmentation of 27 jurisdictions without a truly unified digital market. Founders and anti-regulation advocates agree: a French startup faces different hurdles scaling to Germany than a Californian startup faces scaling to New York.

The capital gap compounds the problem. US venture capitalists pour money into domestic AI and are "often more reticent" to back firms elsewhere. The European Commission has responded. In November 2025 it mobilised €200 billion for AI investment. President Emmanuel Macron announced a commitment to sink €109 billion in private capital into the sector. Nordic countries, where government investment has seeded successful companies, are held up as a model. Yet no European government has directly tackled the cultural reluctance to embrace risk that founders cite.

America's regulatory vacuum is not what Americans want

The transatlantic divide is not simply Europe regulating while America does not. California has stepped into the federal vacuum with its own AI guidelines. And American public opinion aligns more closely with Brussels than with Washington. A Gallup poll conducted in April and May 2025 found that 80 percent of Americans favour maintaining rules for AI safety and data security even if it means slower development. Marc Rotenberg, president of the Center for AI and Digital Policy in Washington, argues the White House position is "out of step with where most Americans are, with where most state legislators are, and even with where they were previously."

"My view is that Americans and Europeans are closely aligned on AI governance," Rotenberg says. "If you look at the polling data, if you look at the concerns about copyright, concerns about privacy, concerns about labor displacement, you see it in equal measure in both regions."

Strategic dependence sharpens the stakes

For Mariarosaria Taddeo, professor of digital ethics and defence technologies at the Oxford Internet Institute, the regulatory debate misses a geopolitical reality. "[American success] has amplified the need for Europe to protect itself, because you find yourself increasingly more dependent on a technology you don't own and you don't control," she says. The EU must stimulate development not merely for economic competitiveness but because it cannot be certain that US tech giants will act in European citizens' interests. Bradford concurs: "It's becoming increasingly hard, if the EU is trying to police the world on its own and if the Americans are not regulating themselves."

Resilience over speed

Taddeo offers a different metric for European success. "AI is not going to disappear. It's not going to be gone in 10 years … You don't need to be first in AI. You need to be resilient and robust and trustworthy in AI," she says. That framing, resilience over speed, trustworthiness over dominance, may be the only way to reconcile Europe's regulatory instinct with its technological ambition. But it requires a cultural shift that no regulation can mandate: a willingness to build, fail, and build again on European soil.

Sources

  1. POLITICO

    politico.eu · 2025-12-17

People mentioned

  • Marvin von Hagen

    Co-founder of Interaction, Interaction

  • Florian Juengermann

    Co-founder of Listen Labs, Listen Labs

  • Anu Bradford

    Professor at Columbia University, Columbia University

  • Robert Windesheim

    Investor at Founders Fund, Founders Fund

  • Mariarosaria Taddeo

    Professor of digital ethics and defence technologies, Oxford Internet Institute

  • Marc Rotenberg

    President and founder of the Center for AI and Digital Policy, Center for AI and Digital Policy

Organisations

European Commission · European Union · Interaction · Listen Labs · Founders Fund · Columbia University

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