Politics · French politics
France's political forces jostle for position with 2027 presidential race in sight
Trust in French institutions has fallen faster than in any other EU country, while Marine Le Pen's legal battle and a fragmented left leave the 2027 contest wide open.
Less than two years before the next presidential election, French politics is settling into a prolonged pre-campaign that already feels like the real thing. The institutional architecture that has governed the Fifth Republic for decades, a dominant centre, a divided left, a contained far right, is cracking at every joint. President Emmanuel Macron enters the final stretch of his second term with approval ratings stuck in the low twenties, his party Renaissance shorn of the missionary zeal that carried it to power in 2017, and a parliamentary majority that exists only on paper.
Macron's authority erodes as succession remains unresolved
The numbers are stark. Gallup's annual survey of public faith in institutions found that trust in the French government fell 13 percentage points to 29 percent in 2025, while confidence in the honesty of elections dropped by the same margin to 51 percent. Trust in the judicial system and financial institutions also declined. "No other European Union country has seen a bigger average drop in confidence across these four institutions in 2025 than France," Gallup notes. The decline reflects a presidency marked by the pension reform protests of 2023, recurring tensions over immigration, and a reputation for technocratic detachment that has hardened into something closer to alienation.
Macron has vowed to work until the "last second" of his mandate, but the question that obsesses the Élysée and the Rue de Solférino alike is who carries the centrist banner in 2027. Gabriel Attal, the former prime minister, is the most visible aspirant. At 35, he offers a generational contrast to Macron's aloof style and communicates with a fluency the president never quite mastered. Yet Attal inherits the same structural weakness: the centrist movement was built around a man, not a doctrine. Without Macron's personal authority, Ensemble's hold on the National Assembly is fragile, sustained by ad hoc alliances and the repeated use of article 49.3 to force legislation through without a vote.
Le Pen's legal battle could reshape the presidential field
While the centre frets over succession, the far right enters 2026 with a confidence it has not known in its half-century history. The National Rally (RN) topped the 2024 European elections in France and dominates rural and working-class départements. Marine Le Pen, the party's three-time presidential candidate, has spent years "de-demonising" the brand, shedding the antisemitic baggage of her father's era and recasting the RN as the defender of ordinary French people against a detached elite. That project now faces its most severe test.
In March 2025, Le Pen was convicted alongside eight other RN officials of embezzling European Parliament funds. The court imposed a five-year ban on holding public office and a four-year prison sentence, two years of which were suspended. She is appealing. The second trial runs from 13 January to 12 February 2026. If the conviction stands, Le Pen is legally barred from the 2027 presidential race. The RN's "plan B" is Jordan Bardella, the 29-year-old party president who has led the push to normalise the party's image, targeting younger voters and middle-income professionals frustrated with mainstream politics. His pitch combines economic nationalism with a promise to restore social order, a direct rebuttal to what the RN frames as Macron's elitism.
The left remains fractured after Nupes collapse
On the other side of the spectrum, the left has failed to turn opposition to Macron into a coherent alternative. The Nupes alliance, Socialists, Greens, Communists and Jean-Luc Mélenchon's La France Insoumise (LFI), held together for the 2022 legislative elections but unravelled under the weight of personal and strategic rivalries. A reconstituted coalition for the 2024 snap parliamentary elections met the same fate. Mélenchon's confrontational style polarises even within his own camp, leaving space for more moderate figures such as Socialist leader Olivier Faure or Green politicians attempting to reframe the debate around environmental justice. The Greens, however, struggle to expand beyond their urban, university-educated base. In a country where purchasing power and inflation dominate kitchen-table conversations, climate policy risks being drowned out.
Les Républicains caught between two right-wing forces
For the traditional right, 2026 may be a year of existential clarification. Les Républicains (LR) retain a dense network of local elected officials, mayors, departmental councillors, regional presidents, but nationally they lack a leader and a message that distinguishes them from the RN. The party's current president, Bruno Retailleau, a former interior minister, has tacked hard right on immigration and policing, explicitly chasing Le Pen's voters. In his recently published memoir, Nicolas Sarkozy declared the end of the cordon sanitaire that has kept mainstream parties from allying with the far right since the 1980s. Yet other LR heavyweights, notably Xavier Bertrand, the president of the Hauts-de-France region, insist on a centrist, pro-European identity. Bertrand is among several figures positioning for the 2027 nomination. The party risks marginalisation, squeezed between a Macronist centre that occupies its economic space and an RN that has colonised its cultural territory.
Municipal elections will test the new alignments
The first concrete test arrives in March 2026, when municipal elections take place across France. These contests are the final nationwide vote before the presidential campaign opens formally. They will reveal whether local alliances, RN-LR pacts in some towns, left-wing unions in others, hold, and whether the RN can translate national polling strength into municipal majorities. Immigration, secularism and domestic security are already dominating the rhetoric. A string of shootings linked to drug trafficking in Marseille, Grenoble and other cities has pushed law and order to the top of the agenda, cutting across traditional party lines. The interior ministry's crime statistics, published by INSEE, show a persistent rise in violent theft and drug-related offences since 2021, feeding a narrative of state failure that the RN exploits ruthlessly.
Foreign policy ambitions meet a constrained reality
Abroad, Macron continues to argue for European "strategic autonomy", a vision of the EU as a geopolitical actor capable of defending its interests without automatic reliance on Washington. The war in Ukraine, the conflict in Gaza, tensions with Russia and uncertainty over the transatlantic relationship all weigh on Paris's diplomatic agenda. France remains influential in shaping the EU's green transition and defence industrial policy, but critics argue that Macron's vision lacks practical backing: European defence spending remains fragmented, and the Commission's own defence industrial strategy has progressed slowly. The European Council has repeatedly called for faster progress on military mobility and joint procurement, but national vetoes and budgetary constraints have limited results.
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Renaissance · Ensemble · National Rally · La France Insoumise · Les Républicains · Gallup